Originally Published at Balkanist: http://balkanist.net/serbia-new-prime-minister/ In Serbia, is the recent appointment of Ana Brnabic to the office of prime minister indicative of a new commitment to LGBT rights — or a smokescreen?
On the evening of Thursday, June 15, news broke that Serbia would have an openly lesbian prime minister. Immediate reactions from the global LGBT community and Western media would best be described as ecstatic. As the story developed, my Twitter and Facebook feeds were overwhelmed by people congratulating Serbia on the “historic” appointment of Ana Brnabic to the post, a double first for the country — the first woman, and the first openly LGBT prime minister. Many media outlets also highlighted the fact that just seven years ago, the 2010 Pride parade in Serbia was marred by riots, and that the appointment of Ana Brnabic was indicative of the “progress” the country had made with respect to acceptance and tolerance. To cite one example, the BBC stated that “Just a few years ago, the appointment would have been unthinkable. But EU hopeful Serbia can present it as proof of increasing tolerance.” And although the BBC remained cautious in its interpretation of the political meaning of the appointment, its Belgrade-based correspondent Guy De Launey argued that the symbolism of Brnabic’s appointment carries real weight. While the EU has yet to formally comment on the developments, one can anticipate that Serbia will be commended for its “progress” on LGBT rights. Indeed, as early as Friday, the European Parliament Intergroup on LGBTI Rights shared the news on its Facebook page with the comment “Wonderful news from Serbia”. However, should we really consider the appointment of a lesbian prime minister in Serbia as proof of tangible “progress” in the country? Perhaps not! Though I would not want to make the claim that the appointment of an openly LGBT person as Prime Minister would have no (potential) positive effects on life for LGBT people in Serbia — one can, for example, optimistically imagine that such an appointment might send out the message to LGBT people that they can make it professionally, even when out — I would caution against uncritically accepting such interpretations, especially not as sure-fire proof of Serbia’s progress from a country where LGBT people were beaten on the streets when organising a pride parade in the past to a country where a lesbian woman can now easily assume the office of prime minister. Indeed, rather than taking this development at face value — as a sign of Serbia’s progress with regard to LGBT rights — I argue that Brnabic’s appointment is a continuation of President Aleksandar Vucic’s politics of tactical Europeanisation, in which LGBT issues like the pride parade are used to speak to the EU’s self-proclaimed LGBT-friendly identity without engaging with LGBT issues domestically. In the past and again this week, international observers have been quick to respond to small improvements in LGBT rights practices with great enthusiasm, as if every small step taken in the context of Serbia represents a major shift in the country — moving from backwards and homophobic to modern and LGBT friendly. Such a superficial reading of Pride events, and similarly Brnabic’s appointment as prime minister, not only reifies a problematic East-West dichotomy (which I cannot comment on here), but more importantly obscures the underlying politics in which LGBT rights have been instrumentalised by the Serbian government to guarantee and advance Serbia’s progress as part of the EU accession process. Indeed, recent developments in Serbia are in keeping with existing practices in Serbian politics with respect to LGBT issues. My research on LGBT rights in Serbia has shown that advancements in the protection of LGBT rights should be read within the context of Serbia’s EU accession process, as homonationalist moves to demonstrate Europeanness without engaging with the lived experiences of LGBT people in Serbia. For example, consider the anti-discrimination law adopted in 2009 as part of the EU visa liberalisation process. Despite it having being on the books for eight years, the law’s implementation remains minimal. Here, the lack of political engagement and will to engage in actions that would end discrimination against LGBT people is a significant barrier to its implementation. My research has shown that the institutions responsible for protecting citizens from discrimination (the ombudsman and the commissioner for the protection of equality) often face indirect political pressure to speak out on the topic and not pursue politically sensitive cases. The anti-discrimination strategy (2013) and action plan (2014), remain under-implemented and little is done to improve court practices regarding anti-discrimination cases or to improve the treatment LGBT victims receive by police officers. Tackling the roots of hate crimes and discrimination remains a topic of low political priority. The tactical use of LGBT rights becomes even more visible when one considers the country’s Pride Parades. When Pride re-appeared in Belgrade on 2014, this was only done with an eye on the political points the government would score by successfully protecting such an event (for more background on this pride event, see some of my previous writing here and here). The return of Belgrade Pride is best understood as what I have labelled ‘tactical Europeanisation’, i.e. an act of compliance to communicate to the EU a readiness to Europeanise by aligning oneself with certain ‘European norms’. Indeed, as international observers have treated Pride as a litmus test for Europeanness, the protection of the 2014 and subsequent Belgrade Prides represent a homonationalist move on the part of the Serbian government that wishes to align itself with the EU’s self-proclaimed pro-LGBT identity, with the tactical aim to advance in the accession process. This being the case, it is here that the uncritical engagement of international observers with LGBT politics in Serbia has done its harm. While Serbia was widely commended by international observers for holding the Pride (as is the case this week for having appointed a Lesbian as prime minister), the Pride itself has been ‘co-opted’ by the state, making it a ritual march void of local LGBT politics. Indeed, Vucic — who described the Pride as “a leisurely walk” — used the event to emphasise the state’s (or his) power and sovereignty. The militarised nature of the Pride transformed it into a ‘Ghost Pride’, i.e. a state-tolerated manifestation of Pride which takes place in a militarised ‘transparent closet’ that keeps LGBT people’s visibility strategies invisible and outside the public sphere. The appointment of Brnabic represents a similar instrumentalisation of LGBT issues to fool and distract international observers from what is actually happening in Serbia. Why am I so sceptical? Recent developments suggest that the new PM might not have a significant impact on LGBT lives in Serbia. First, though Brnabic was appointed to the position Prime Minister, Vucic reportedly clarified that she would only lead the technical workings of the government, while current Foreign Minister Ivica Dacic — known for his homophobic statements — would lead the political workings of the new cabinet. Such a division of labour makes it relatively unlikely that this government will make tangible efforts to improve the lives of LGBT people or pay attention to their lived experiences. In fact, it is quite likely that the fact of Brnabic’s premiership will become a shield for EU criticism on Serbia’s LGBT record. And the EU will probably fall for it, because how can one perceive a country with a lesbian prime minister as a homophobic? But what will her premiership mean for LGBT people in Serbia? Here again, I do not have high hopes. While having a publicly out politician and prime minster might mean she will serve as a potential role model for LGBT people, I expect that she will not have a significant impact on people’s attitudes towards LGBT people in Serbia. In fact, comments both Brnabic and Vucic have made publicly concerning Brnabic’s sexual orientation might actually serve to reinforce the commonly held opinion that any discussion about sexual orientation should be kept “within four walls”. Consider, for example, the statements made when Brnabic was first appointed as a minister last year. At that time, Vucic said that he was only interested in her results and that “her personal choices” did not interest him. Similarly, she commented on the commotion around her sexuality by saying: “Hopefully this will blow over in three or four days and then I won’t be known as the ‘gay minister’.” While I do not want to aruge that Brnabic’s sexual orientation should be made the central point of discussion in this context, the constant displacement of sexual orientation to the private sphere does not help to overcome the existing stigma surrounding LGBT issues in Serbia. Thus, against this background, I argue that the appointment of Brnabic should be welcomed with some healthy scepticism and not be treated as more than it is. Though the appointment carries political symbolism, we should wait for real actions to be undertaken on behalf of LGBT people before we can say with certainty that Serbia has made progress in protecting LGBT people. Therefore, I want to urge those observing Serbia from a distance (and also those within European institutions) to listen more closely to those of us who have been engaged in analysing Serbia’s politics in greater detail. As many of my excellent colleagues have expressed in recent days, news of the appointment in Serbia should be welcomed with great scepticism and critical analysis. Indeed, many of us argue that appointing Brnabic as prime minister does not merely contribute to the further consolidation of Vucic’s authoritarian-style power — Brnabic here being the puppet of President Vucic — but also serves as a smokescreen to divert attention from Serbia’s diminishing democracy. It is about time international observers realise that symbolic politics are only that: symbolic. I sincerely hope the future will prove me wrong, but for now, I remain sceptical and await signs of real political action to protect minorities and LGBT people in Serbia.
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Originally Published on Balkanist (http://balkanist.net/belgrade-pride-2014-where-there-is-a-need-there-is-tolerance/) After this year’s peaceful Pride Parade, it will be difficult for the Serbian state to cite “security risks” as a reason to ban it.
On September 28th, it appeared that Belgrade finally shook off the violent images associated with the 2010 Pride Parade. Unlike that year, when the Pride was followed by riots that destroyed significant parts of the city, the 2014 Belgrade Pride – the first of its kind after three consecutive years of last-minute bans – went on without any major incidents. In a peaceful and colorful bubble protected by 7,000 riot policemen, a group comprised of one thousand LGBT people, their friends and allies took to the streets. With the mayor of Belgrade, some opposition politicians and four ministers present, it may have been tempting to conclude that the tide had turned for LGBT people in Serbia, that the organizers of Pride, after three years of struggling, had finally won over the Serbian political elite, or to put it in the words of EU Commissioner for Enlargement Stefan Füle, that the Pride was “a milestone in the modern history of democratic Serbia, [which marked a] substantial improvement towards the effective exercise of LGBTI rights”. However, it is more likely that the Serbian political elite does not see the point of the Belgrade Pride parade, which deeply divides Serbian society, and that they would rather the event not happen at all. As politicians’ views have not changed significantly in the last year, the question remains, “what makes 2014 different? Why can Serbia have a secure, ‘peaceful’ Pride, where it failed to do so in previous years?” One answer to this question is that Serbian politicians (and by extension its so-called “hooligans”) “tolerated” the 2014 Belgrade Pride with an eye on the bigger political goals of Serbia, i.e. its path to the EU. Throughout its history, the Belgrade Pride has always been dependent on the sensitive calculations of the political elite to balance Serbia’s EU perspective with domestic political goals (the Kosovo issue in particular, but not exclusively). After two failed attempts in 2001 and 2004, Serbian LGBT activists were encouraged enough by the adoption of EU-required anti-discrimination legislation to retry organizing Belgrade Pride in 2009. However, after threats of violence by extreme right groups and despite state assurances that the Pride Parade would receive the necessary police protection, the state decided 24 hours before the event that Pride could not happen in the center of Belgrade and should be moved to the periphery of the city. Activists interpreted this government decision as a de facto ban of Pride and a state capitulation to the extreme right, and consequently decided to cancel the event. As this first ban was met with criticisms from the EU, the pro-EU government in 2010 needed to show Serbia was serious about its “path to the EU”. The focus on security issues in the debates surrounding the 2009 Pride, furthermore, created a domestic need to maintain the Pride Parade. The government needed to regain public support by illustrating that security was being taken seriously and that the state was able to protect it citizens. The final push in favor of the 2010 Pride Parade was the fact that the government was able to use the EU pressure to externalize responsibility for Pride: it could blame the EU for the event and its consequences domestically, while in the international arena it could claim credit for allowing the Parade, which was quickly labelled the first successful Pride in Serbia. The next few years, the benefits of staging a Pride Parade did not outweigh the costs for the Serbian elites. With conflicts at the Kosovo border in 2011 and upcoming elections, the political elite did not see any benefit in supporting Belgrade pride. At the international level, the EU signalled with its positive opinion on Serbian application for membership and the prioritization of the normalization of Serbia-Kosovo relations in the enlargement strategy, that for the time being the EU would turn a blind eye to bans of the Pride Parade — as long as progress was made in other, ostensibly more important, areas. Similar calculations were made in 2012 and 2013. The EU responses to bans of the Pride Parade were rather mild, and within the enlargement process, Serbia was rewarded for it progress on the Kosovo issue, with the Brussels agreement between Belgrade and Pristina (April 2013) and the opening of accession negotiations with Serbia (January 2014) as the key turning points. Why did the Serbian government opt not to ban the Pride this year? In many ways the political situation compares to that of 2010, however, some difference on the domestic level can be discerned. At the international level, we find that just like in 2010, there has been increased pressure from the EU to proceed with Pride. After the Brussels agreement and the EU’s decision to open accession negotiations with Serbia, the European Commission for the first time explicitly condemned the Serbian government’s lack of political will to go ahead with the Pride Parade in its 2013 progress report. Additionally, in the 2013-2014 enlargement strategy paper, the EU identified LGBT rights (along with the Pride Parade) as a key priority area in the assessment of fundamental rights in candidate countries for the first time. With these two documents, European pressure on Serbia to maintain Pride in 2014 increased substantially. The attack on the German participant of an LGBT conference in Belgrade two prior to the Pride Parade intensified international focus on this year’s Pride Parade. Domestically, the political situation was favorable for a Pride Parade as well. With a landslide victory in the May elections, Prime Minister Vučić did not have to worry about any upcoming elections or any other immediate costs associated with the Pride Parade. Furthermore, the three previous bans – based on security risks – again raised questions as to whether or not the state was capable of protecting its own citizens. Contrary to 2010, when the Pride Parade was framed as an EU requirement, Vučić made this year’s event about security. Days before the event took place he said, “I respect the constitutional obligations of the state and it is my obligation to guarantee safety and security to all citizens.” Rather than externalizing responsibility for the Pride parade, the current PM made sure a successful pride would be regarded as his victory, a showcase of his ability to make Serbia a country that respects its constitution and the rule of law. At the same time, however, Vučić made it clear – most likely to reduce the political damage the Pride might have caused – that he did not necessarily support the event, emphasizing that he would not attend it and that there were more important issues for Serbia (e.g. the recent floods). The final difference between 2010 and 2014 is the lack of violence. Apart from some minor disturbances (the attack on B92’s offices and the torched bus were the worst examples), the streets of Belgrade remained peaceful. Even the protest walk after the Pride happened without any incidents (apart from homophobic and nationalistic chanting). The lack of violence again raises questions (which I cannot answer here) about the link between the Serbian state and so-called hooligans, which are used by the state as an informal security apparatus and a tool to pressure the EU. Whilst the outburst of violence and the threats to national security were beneficial for the Serbian state to pressure the EU to give Serbia more leeway on other issues (such as Kosovo; see Nielsen [2013]), such violence would not have benefitted the state this year. And indeed violence remained largely absent. Whereas Dveri (one of the right wing organizations) warned the government in May that Pride might lead to “war on the streets of Serbia”, their protests last weekend remained peaceful. 1389, another right wing organization associated with previous anti-gay attacks, even explicitly called upon protesters to refrain from violence this year. Although there is no hard evidence linking the state and these right-wing organizations, the reduced security threats and the fact that Vučić thanked those opposing the Pride Parade for refraining from engaging in violence and for their understanding of Serbia’s position in a press conference after Pride. This does suggest that the state was able to “convince” these right-wing, patriotic groups that violence would not be beneficial for Serbia or the groups themselves. (For more on this topic, see Rory Archer). In summary, it can be said that rather than allowing the Belgrade Pride, both the state and the so-called hooligans “tolerated” it for the sake of Serbia’s interests, i.e. its European Path. While this might mean that the factual victory of the Pride organizers over the State and their aggressors is only minimal, the symbolic gains are far more elaborate. In the years to come it will be difficult for the Serbian state to cite “security risks” as a reason to ban the Pride parade. The precedent created by this year’s event and continued scrutiny on the part of the EU during the accession process have de facto taken away Serbia’s only legal argument to ban Pride Parades. Therefore, it is quite likely that the Belgrade Pride will gain momentum and become a recurring annual event; that is, as long as Serbia stays committed to its EU path and the state remains capable of keeping these so-called hooligans under its control. |
Dr Koen SlootmaeckersSenior Lecturer in International Politics at City, University of London. Writes about LGBT politics In Serbia. Archives
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